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12 - The Johor Sultanate: Rise or Re-emergence?
- Edited by Francis E. Hutchinson, Serina Rahman
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- Book:
- Johor
- Published by:
- ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
- Published online:
- 24 November 2020
- Print publication:
- 01 September 2020, pp 335-356
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Summary
PLANES, TRAINS AND AUTOMOBILES
Malaysia is a monarchy—albeit one that is sui generis. Rather than following a single line of succession, the kingship rotates among a group of traditional rulers—or sultans—who head nine of the country's thirteen states. Although some of the sultanates predate the arrival of Islam in the region, they are now closely associated with the religion and have been a part of the Malayan peninsula's political context for 600 years.
During the precolonial and colonial eras, the rulers had a wide scope of prerogatives but many of these were relinquished during Malaysia's transition to independence. At present, the sultans are ceremonial rulers, and executive power rests with the prime minister at the national level, and chief ministers and menteris besar at the state level. That said, they are responsible for religion and Malay culture within their respective states, while their historic and symbolic importance as well as a number of constitutional provisions allow their influence to extend significantly further.
Over the past few years, these rulers have begun to assume a more visible role in the country's political life. In some states, they have chosen to withhold their consent for the appointment of menteris besar and, in Perak in 2009, the sultan played a decisive role in toppling the coalition in power (Faruqi 2010, p. 145). Collectively, the sultans have also weighed in on national-level issues such as the quality of governance and rule of law (Borneo Post Online, 7 October 2015).
Of the traditional rulers, the Sultan of Johor, Ibrahim Ismail, has been arguably the most notable. Part of his public persona revolves around his extensive collection of vehicles. He recently purchased a blue and gold 737 Boeing, which will be used to “promote Johor” and allow him to travel the world like his ancestors “who once travelled around in ships” (Star Online, 1 March 2016). He has also given another plane to the Johor soccer team, which is owned by his eldest son, the Crown Prince (Rakyat Post, 2 August 2016).
Introduction
- Edited by Daljit Singh, Malcolm Cook
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- Book:
- Southeast Asian Affairs 2017
- Published by:
- ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
- Published online:
- 12 January 2018
- Print publication:
- 30 March 2017, pp xi-xx
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Summary
In the post–Cold War era, 2016 could well stand out as a watershed year for the global order, the Southeast Asian region, and many Southeast Asian states. Events in 2016 saw sharp new changes that may create new continuities going forward within Southeast Asian states and changes within long-term structural continuities that will have important ramifications for Southeast Asia.1 As suggested by the title of this volume, the events of 2016 covered in the twenty-four chapters by twenty-eight authors will have a determining influence on the trajectories of Southeast Asia and the countries of the region in 2017 and beyond.
Structural Factors
U.S.–China Rivalry
The first regional chapter, by Alice Ba, focuses on a defining post–Cold War strategic continuity for Southeast Asian security and states’ foreign and security policies: the strategic rivalry between the United States as the declining status quo power and China as the rising revisionist power. As Ba discusses, Donald Trump's victory in the November 2016 U.S. presidential election is a significant change on the U.S. side of this rivalry with unknown but likely profound importance for the U.S. role in Southeast Asia and Southeast Asian states’ relations with the United States. At the same time, the author analyses how 2016 saw China become more assertive in its push to develop an alternate China-centred regional order and against obstacles to the pursuit of its national interests in Southeast Asia. These include the 12 July Arbitral Tribunal ruling invalidating most of China's maritime rights claims in the South China Sea.
The chapter by Andrew Shearer on the future of U.S.–Japan–Australia trilateral security cooperation delves deeper into the strategic ramifications of the U.S.–China rivalry and the common threat of terrorism. Shearer agrees that the Trump victory is a watershed moment for the United States in Asia. Australia and Japan will be under renewed U.S. pressure to contribute more to their respective alliance relationships with the United States. These relationships and the Trilateral Strategic Dialogue process provides Tokyo and Canberra unique communication channels to Washington DC.
Foreword
- Francis E. Hutchinson, Vandana Prakash Nair
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- Book:
- The Johor Sultanate
- Published by:
- ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
- Published online:
- 13 March 2019
- Print publication:
- 28 November 2016, pp v-vi
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Summary
The economic, political, strategic and cultural dynamism in Southeast Asia has gained added relevance in recent years with the spectacular rise of giant economies in East and South Asia. This has drawn greater attention to the region and to the enhanced role it now plays in international relations and global economics.
The sustained effort made by Southeast Asian nations since 1967 towards a peaceful and gradual integration of their economies has had indubitable success, and perhaps as a consequence of this, most of these countries are undergoing deep political and social changes domestically and are constructing innovative solutions to meet new international challenges. Big Power tensions continue to be played out in the neighbourhood despite the tradition of neutrality exercised by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
The Trends in Southeast Asia series acts as a platform for serious analyses by selected authors who are experts in their fields. It is aimed at encouraging policy makers and scholars to contemplate the diversity and dynamism of this exciting region.
The Johor Sultanate: Rise or Re-emergence?
- Francis E. Hutchinson, Vandana Prakash Nair
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- Book:
- The Johor Sultanate
- Published by:
- ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
- Published online:
- 13 March 2019
- Print publication:
- 28 November 2016, pp 1-31
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Summary
Malaysia is a monarchy — albeit one that is sui generis. Rather than following a single line of succession, the kingship rotates among a group of traditional rulers — or sultans — who head nine of the country's thirteen states. Although some of the sultanates pre-date the arrival of Islam in the region, they are now closely associated with the religion and have been a part of the Malayan peninsula's political context for 600 years.
During the pre-colonial and colonial eras, the rulers had a wide scope of prerogatives but many of these were relinquished during Malaysia's transition to independence. At present, the sultans are ceremonial rulers, and executive power rests with the prime minister at the national level, and chief ministers and menteris besar at the state level. That said, they are responsible for religion and Malay culture within their respective states, while their historic and symbolic importance as well as a number of constitutional provisions allow their influence to extend significantly further.
Over the past few years, these rulers have begun to assume a more visible role in the country's political life. In some states, they have chosen to withhold their consent for the appointment of menteris besar and, in Perak in 2009, the sultan played a decisive role in toppling the coalition in power. Collectively, the sultans have also weighed in on national-level issues such as the quality of governance and rule of law.
Of the traditional rulers, the Sultan of Johor, Ibrahim Ismail, has been arguably the most notable. Part of his public persona revolves around his extensive collection of vehicles. He recently purchased a blue and gold 737 Boeing, which will be used to “promote Johor” and allow him to travel the world like his ancestors “who once travelled around in ships”. He has also given another plane to the Johor soccer team, which is owned by his eldest son, the Crown Prince.
The Sultan was also the first of the rulers to obtain a locomotive driving licence, and he piloted the last Malayan Railway train out of Tanjong Pagar Station in Singapore in 2011. A long-time automobile aficionado, he has a collection of some 300 units.
The Johor Sultanate
- Rise or Re-emergence?
- Francis E. Hutchinson, Vandana Prakash Nair
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- Published by:
- ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
- Published online:
- 13 March 2019
- Print publication:
- 28 November 2016
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Malaysia's sultans have in recent years taken on an increasingly discernible role in the country's political life. However, rather than something new, the rulers' resurgence should be viewed as part of a longer term negotiation over the precise boundaries of their role. The Sultan of Johor, Ibrahim Ismail, is arguably the most visible of the country's rulers at present. Since ascending to the throne in 2010, he has constructed a prominent media profile and been active in many areas of policy-making. Sultan Ibrahim Ismail has also weighed in on national-level issues, such as the quality of national education and bilateral relations with Singapore. While the more ceremonial aspects of his actions are inspired by the pivotal role traditionally played by Malay rulers, the more operational aspects hark back to the colonial era when Johor had a reputation for modern administration, well-developed infrastructure, and a high degree of autonomy. At its core, the Sultan raises questions about Malay leadership, and may revive a long-standing contest between the rulers and the political elite, sometimes referred to as a battle between "princes and politicians".
Frontmatter
- Francis E. Hutchinson, Vandana Prakash Nair
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- Book:
- The Johor Sultanate
- Published by:
- ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
- Published online:
- 13 March 2019
- Print publication:
- 28 November 2016, pp i-iv
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The Johor Sultanate: Rise or Re-emergence?
- Francis E. Hutchinson, Vandana Prakash Nair
-
- Book:
- The Johor Sultanate
- Published by:
- ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
- Published online:
- 13 March 2019
- Print publication:
- 28 November 2016, pp vii-vii
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Summary
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
• Malaysia's sultans have in recent years taken on an increasingly discernible role in the country's political life. However, rather than something new, the rulers’ resurgence should be viewed as part of a longer term negotiation over the precise boundaries of their role.
• The Sultan of Johor, Ibrahim Ismail, is arguably the most visible of the country's rulers at present. Since ascending to the throne in 2010, he has constructed a prominent media profile and been active in many areas of policy-making. He reinstated the Islamic week, suggested expanding the role of the Johor Military Force, and promoted a unique state identity. Planned initiatives by him include a Bank of Johor, a large-scale low-cost housing scheme, as well as a maglev train linking the eastern and western parts of the state's southern coast.
• Sultan Ibrahim Ismail has also weighed in on national-level issues, such as the quality of national education and bilateral relations with Singapore.
• While the more ceremonial aspects of his actions are inspired by the pivotal role traditionally played by Malay rulers, the more operational aspects hark back to the colonial era when Johor had a reputation for modern administration, well-developed infrastructure, and a high degree of autonomy.
• At its core, the Sultan raises questions about Malay leadership, and may revive a long-standing contest between the rulers and the political elite, sometimes referred to as a battle between “princes and politicians”.
Introduction
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- By Vandana Prakash Nair, ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore., Malcolm Cook, ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore.
- Edited by Malcolm Cook, Daljit Singh
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- Book:
- Southeast Asian Affairs 2016
- Published by:
- ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
- Published online:
- 19 May 2017
- Print publication:
- 10 March 2016, pp ix-xviii
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Summary
The twenty-three chapters in Southeast Asian Affairs 2016 address a vast range of pressures and opportunities for the peoples of the region, from the political impact of spreading social media, to economic and political models showing signs of atrophy, to the large and turbulent regional ripples of economic transformations and policy adjustments around the world. States of Southeast Asia in 2015 faced bottom-up pressures for political and economic change, a tough global economic environment, and more major-power involvement, and even contestation, in the region. Times were very interesting. All of these pressures are likely to persist and potentially intensify in 2016 and beyond. Political and policy changes to address these structural continuities will be paramount.
External Forces
Global and wider regional forces — most, negative — had greater impact in Southeast Asia in 2015. Cassey Lee's regional economic outlook chapter analyses how the fall in commodity prices, slowing growth in China and tightening U.S. monetary policy affected Southeast Asian economies. None were spared, but the effects were very varied. Brunei was the hardest hit and remained in recession given its undiversified economy heavily dependent on oil export revenue. The most open economies in the region as measured by trade flows — Singapore and Malaysia — also suffered from these external headwinds. The headwinds are expected to continue throughout 2016, suggesting politically difficult reforms will be necessary across the region to maintain growth and development.
Carlyle Thayer's regional security outlook chapter focuses on challenges to ASEAN's goals of regional autonomy, centrality and community building. China's rapid construction of artificial islands on seven disputed land features in the South China Sea stoked the strongest ASEAN language on the disputes and more intense U.S.–China rivalry. Movement on the long-discussed ASEAN–China Code of Conduct in the South China Sea progressed at a much slower pace. In 2015 the threat of regional spillover from the Islamic State's rise in Syria and Iraq and the growing number of Southeast Asians joining those conflicts and returning home became imminent and then, in January 2016 in Jakarta, realized.
The Major Powers
While the domestic political developments of Southeast Asian countries in 2015 strongly reflected the diversity and fluidity of the region as a whole, the strategic policy settings with relation to Southeast Asia of the four most important extraregional major powers — the United States, China, Japan and India — had two powerful commonalities.
Local Enforcement of Pollution Control in Developing Countries: A Comparison of Guangzhou, Delhi, and Taipei
- Shui-yan Tang, Vandana Prakash, Ching-ping Tang
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- Journal:
- Journal of Public Policy / Volume 18 / Issue 3 / December 1998
- Published online by Cambridge University Press:
- 01 December 1998, pp. 265-282
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Environmental management typically involves multiple levels of government. Yet the intergovernmental context of environmental management in developing countries is seldom explored in the literature. This paper examines this issue by comparing the experiences in Guangzhou, Delhi, and Taipei, in which various types of unfavourable conditions create different problems for local regulatory enforcement. The study shows that, as commitment from the national government to local regulatory enforcement remains weak, the presence of local democratic institutions, legal remedies, and local environmental activism are key ingredients for checking against local enforcement slack. As legal remedies have various limitations, a bottom-up approach based on local flexibility, democratic processes, and environmental awareness and activism are more likely to bear fruit in the fight against pollution in developing countries.